인터넷 심의위원회 배너
.베스트 디자인 미디어 상
우수컨텐츠 로고
윤리경영 이미지
The Highest Quality & Retention of Design
디자인 트렌드를 선도하는 대한민국 프리미엄 미디어 그룹
The Highest Quality & Retention of Design

[Deco Journal Column - Ana Maria Duran Calisto] Ecological Urbanism in Latin America Part 1.

[Deco Journal Column - Ana Maria Duran Calisto] Ecological Urbanismin Latin America Part 1. 1. Introduction – A New Convergence Why has Latin America so eagerly embraced the paradigm of Ecological Urbanism, one which breaks away from the dualism that has marked dominant discourses of the natural and the cultural as separate and antithetical entities within design and planning? The proliferation of conceptual and executed projects, large and small, that seek to reconcile natural and urban processes into holistic urban ecologies indicates that cities in Latin America are intellectually, politically and economically committed to resurrecting natural environments whose expression on the “skin” of the city –to use a term of Manuel de Solá-Morales- has been suffocated by fast paced urbanization since the dawn of Modernism in the region, and particularly since the 1970s. Another indication of the appreciation held by Latin America´s design and planning communities for ecological urbanism is made evident by the success of the 2014 Portuguese and Spanish translations of the book “Ecological Urbanism,” a dictionary-thick collection of multi-disciplinary essays and projects curated, edited and originally published in English by Mohsen Mostafavi and Gareth Doherty in the year 2010. The translations of the book went out of print in less than two years. This detail should not be taken for granted (Mostafavi and Doherty 2010). (Parques del Río Medellín, Colombia, 2018. The city of Medellín, famous for its decade-long plight against violence and its successful urban acupunctures, is now becoming world renown for the recreation of its river ecology.) (Photograph courtesy of Jorge Pérez-Jaramillo) Much has been written about Latin America´s “cultural dependence” on the Global North, a corollary of Dependence Theory (Cardoso & Bagú 1973, Cardoso and Faletto 1979, Cardoso & Faletto, 1996), which advances a structural explanation for Latin America´s role as hinterland (as economic and/or political colony) in a global context. The theory was developed by CEPAL (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) in the 1960s and 1970s. CEPAL´s focus on the flow of resources –natural, human, capital, and financial- from the “peripheries” or underdeveloped nations towards the “cores” or developed nations (Furtado, 1964, Cardoso and Faletto 1969, Marini 1973) has emphasized only one direction of the flow, and the asymmetry of trade structures inherited from colonial institutions, in the complex web of exchanges that constitute the relationship between Latin America and hegemonic powers in the Global North, since the Spanish Conquest. Much has been written about dependence and at least as much should be said about resistance. Latin America does not resonate with all influences stemming from the developed areas of the world in equal measure. It is not merely a passive receptor of an active emitter. Its cultural independence is marked by the degree to which it embraces, rejects or transforms cultural frameworks imported from the developed world, but also insofar as it creates its own, contributing to international conversations from the positionality of its particularities, contexts, and experiences. In this regard, much has been said as well about the mechanisms undergirding creative processes, particularly artistic pursuits, in Latin America (Traba 1973, Traba 1974). Most art historians find a comfortable middle-ground between dependency and autonomy in Latin America, both extremes of a dialogue that presupposes a relation of total subservience or total isolation. The hybrid –the very origin of a new race that emerged from the brutal and productive forces of conquest and colonization- is often invoked as the main instrument in the creation of form, including urban form (Canclini 2005, Arango Cardinal 2013). Latin Americans are master hybridizers. They mix the impossible. How could they not love the concept of “ecological urbanism” and the possibilities it opens for hybridizing natural with cultural elements, in an interplay that evokes the ways of its pre-colonial past. (Machu Picchu, Peru. This is probably one of the most illustrative examples of an ancestral urban ecology. The Inca, like most pre-Hispanic cultures, were masters at integrating city, infrastructure and landscape.) (Photograph: Fabien Moliné on Unsplash) Another interesting theory stems from De Andrade´s vindication of cannibalism: Latin Americans’ ability to nurture themselves from different cultural sources as the impetus for their creative force. We eat as we are eaten. We love to consume otherness but also be the other that is consumed by cravers of exoticism (De Andrade 1923). We devour “ecological urbanism” and offer it a ground for enactment, in glocal terms, for it means to devour ourselves in the projection of our image as encountered in the other. The founders of the Valparaíso School of Architecture and Amereida -its annual journey across the Americas-1sought for design answers beyond regionalisms2and beyond aspiring to replicate the bygone source of pre-Columbian societies, in the very marrow of the territory through the act of traversing it. Geography, and its cultural manifestations as landscape, have been one of our key sources of inspiration in an incessant search for “identity,” an ever changing, elusive narrative of who we are. Thus we go, walking over the steps of those who preceded us in the overwhelming task of inhabiting an often inhospitable, overpowering geography, finding the traces of a deep engagement between culture and environment along the way. The journey becomes the key to the creative process in geographical approaches to art. (Structures at Corporación Cultural Amereida, Valparaíso, Chile) (Photographs by the author) [1] The School of Architecture of the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaiso was founded in 1952 by a group of architects and artists who conceptualized the craft and pedagogy of architecture as a creative interaction between poetry, art and imaginative construction. In 1964, the school extended its poetic approach to the geographic scale and established a journey across the Americas as a means to reflect on how to build in the new world, beyond emulation and colonial matrices of thought. In 1970, the school´s faculty purchased an extensive tract of land in order to establish the now world renown Ciudad Abierta de Ritoque (Open City of Ritoque): a platform upon which experimentation could take place. [2] Critical Regionalism is a stancewithinarchitecture which questions its universalization without promoting the mere replication of ancient or vernacular form. Ultimately, it proposes a glocal approach to architecture, one capable of achieving universal and contemporary value by drawing vitality and knowledge from the sources of local culture. It displays an embedded critique of the modern universalization and standardization of culture. The book Ecological Urbanism was embraced by Latin Americans because practitioners in the region are genuinely interested in the type of approach it offers, particularly as the region faces unprecedented environmental degradation due to extraction, incessantly growing since the 1970s. Probably and partially also because the book offers the validation and legitimation Latinos still pursue in the “core” for a design practice that has been unfolding in its peripheries since the Enlightenment. This degree of convergence between global north and global south within the design fields had not reached a new peak since Latin America embraced and transformed modernism between the 1920s and the 1960s (Bergdoll, Comas, Liernur, and Del Real 2015; Leatherbarrow 2009). Leatherbarrow insightfully notes that the continuum of Modernism in the region is a clear expression of “the almost complete negation of the ´postmodern´ approach in Latin America” which was due, he hypothesizes, to the affiliation established by the Modernist project with the region´s history and memory (2009). Nevertheless, the same could be argued in favor of Post-modernism and its historicism. I would speculate that Latin America embraced Modernism because it provided a seemingly neutral ground upon which to play out its differences, its engrained civil war between the possessors and the dispossessed. Modernism has also represented an aspiration to be Modern; to be industrial and “developed;” to reach a stage above the role the region has played since the Conquest: as provider of raw materials for the industrial world (exceptional industrial poles in Brazil, Mexico and elsewhere excluded). It could even be argued that the universal abstraction touted by Modernism found a strong affinity in the abstraction displayed by the geometric patterns, architectures and ceramic vessels of several pre-Hispanic archaeological domains (the “primitive” roots of Modern art –African and Native American- have been extensively documented). The key takeaway of Leatherbarrow´s comment, though, is that if the region were simply imitative and passive, postmodernity would have been amply embraced, but it wasn´t. Ecological Urbanism, on the contrary, has been zealously investigated. The region resonates with its interlocutors in the core when it encounters affinities and can recline the barriers of its resistance. Synergies occur when the Global North produces culture that makes sense in the Global South: ecological restoration or remediation is becoming an aspiration shared by cultures throughout the world, and a concern that runs deep into Latin America´s history, particularly its indigenous history. (Ecuadorian master Estuardo Maldonado offers an excellent example of how Modern artists in Latin America derived inspiration from the abstract forms characteristic of several pre-Hispanic material cultures. The development of modernism in the region cannot be divorced from archaeological findings. The reinterpretation of ancient geometries and materialities still underlies the work of many Latin American artists and architects. The relationship between the modern and the ancient has been highlighted by the exhibition “Southern Geometries, from Mexico to Patagonia” (Oct. 14, 2018 – Feb. 24, 2019) currently in display at the Fondation Cartier pour l´art contemporain.) (Photographs by the author) 2. Context and Background -Political Economy and Urban Form in Latin America since the 1970s To argue that Latin America has developed unique modes of urban design and intervention is to assert that the region's practices respond to particular sets of political, economic, cultural and environmental conditions that elicit alternative responses from citizens, governments, enterprises, planners and designers. Most Latin American countries resemble their counterparts in the developing world, particularly across the tropical band, in severalrespects. The explosion of self-built or “informal” structures is not unique to the region’s urban geography, nor is it the exclusive preoccupation of Latin American designers. The imperative ofresponding to the overwhelming realities of the urban poor is shared by different constituencies throughout the global south, and has even become central to inquiries in the global north, as developed nations face the "threat" of massive immigration of refugees fleeing poverty, 'natural' catastrophes, wars, famines, resource extraction, land-grabbing, and an ever-growing mechanization of agriculture.Growing awareness of the rise of a historically unprecedented urban era, in which the majority of cities expected to expand are located in developing nations and are of intermediate size (UN Habitat 2010 Report; Lee, Freudenburg, and Howarth 2012), has led scholars from diverse disciplines throughout the world to probe into the probable causes of the ´slum´ proliferation so apocalyptically described by Davis (2004, 2009). (Self-built mantels compound between 30 and 80 percent of urban tissues in Latin America) The answers are manifold and cannot be fully understood by focusing the gaze exclusively on metropolitan areas, nor by extrapolating a linear, evolutionary view of urban development from the historical experience of cities in the north to those of the south. Davis partially understood the shortcomings of this extrapolation in his essay “Planet of Slums: Urban Involution and the Informal Proletariat” (2004). What is surprising about his argument is that even though he clearly states that the rural-urban migration towards cities in developing nations should not be read as a migration analogous to the one that characterized the rise of the industrial city in XIX Century England, he fails to understand that slum dwellers in Latin America are not some kind of “proletariat” devoid of concerted political project (his expression). He does acknowledge, though, that with the noteworthy exception of China, “urbanization [in developing nations] has been decoupled from industrialization, even from development per se.” Following the lead of the United Nation´s Human Settlements Program Report The Challenge of the Slums (2003), Davis argues that the colossal accretion of informality is the legacy of the debt crisis of the late 1970s and subsequent IMF-led restructuring of Third World economies in the 1980s, through the imposition of “structural adjustment programs” or, more specifically, neoliberal policies as conditional for development credit. Cities in Latin America, with few exceptional industrial poles located in Buenos Aires, Sao Paulo, Manaus3or Mexico D.F., have not attracted rural migration because people follow jobs, and there are industries waiting to employ peasants in cities. The economies of most Latin American countries still heavily rely on the export of food, mineralsand oil. The bulk of our export-oriented political economies pivots around the extraction of raw materials (oil, natural gas, minerals, lumber), monoculture agri-business (soy, banana, coffee, sugar cane, cacao, palm oil), fish farming (shrimp, lobster, salmon, tuna) and some manufacture (clothing, shoes, car assembly, aircrafts) (CEPAL Report 2015). The economic geographies of the region’s key extractive industries are located in the hinterlands and rural areas. Because people do follow jobs, but also need to access services, what has happened is that many extended families in Latin America have strategically spread out. Some family members choose to relocate to the peripheries of cities that offer public health and education services, infrastructure, some formal and stable jobs, and opportunities in the informal economy. Others chose to remain in the hinterland -whether forest or farm- where they can access alternative formal opportunities in extraction enterprises like mining, agri-business or infrastructure construction,4in the informal extraction sector, or simply in small holding farming. Some members of these multi-sited and extended families manage to establish households in the developing world and are able to send remittances to their families back home. Rural dwellers strategically respond to structural conditions of the political economy in developing nations through a threefold strategy: household income diversification, multi-sitedness and circular migration (Hecht 2006; Padoch, Steward, and Pinedo-Vasquez 2014; Putzel and Ruiz 2014). This spreading out of the family allows it to access resources from different economies. Remittances flow to the households of informal cities in developing nations both from external economies and regional hinterlands, where the key economic resources of developing nations tend to be located. [3] Manaus boasts the largest Free Trade Zone of South America [4] Particularly in lieu of the deployment of IIRSA/COSIPLAN continental infrastructures and bi-oceanic corridors since the year 2000. See www.iirsa.org 3. Urban Outcomes Davis´s Planet of Slums, like the UN-Habitat report he reviews, is not off the mark when he assigns partial causality of ´slum´ proliferation to the structural adjustment program enforced by the IMF, the World Bank and other multi-lateral agencies as a pre-condition for access to development credit. One of the key policies of this program was to reduce public spending. Governments throughout the global south decreased investment in public health, public education, and infrastructure. The areas that suffered the most from this disinvestment were rural. Urban areas became magnets because they still offered public services (health, education, infrastructure and basic services). Furthermore, this program accentuated the asymmetrical flow of resources from developing to developed nations described by dependency theory and elaborated by world systems theory (Wallerstein 2004). Harvey refers to this process of concentration of wealth across scales as accumulation through dispossession (Harvey, 2007), what Marx before him termed “primitive accumulation.” Intermediary oligarchies in developing nations, whether the elite bureaucracies of the now dwindling wave of 21 Century Socialism or the traditional holders of power and beneficiaries of privatization policies before them, remain the main benefactors in the processes of extraction and accumulation through dispossession that so vividly describe the production of marginalization in the Global South. In the developing world, urbanization does not respond to the concentration and accumulation of wealth and resources that characterizes the manufacturing poles of rising economies or the “agglomerations” of complex knowledge-based economies -mainly IT and financial cores of global scope (Storper 2015). In the developing world, a high percentage of urbanization (close to seventy percent in cities like Mexico D.F., Caracas, Lima, Medellin, and Guayaquil; UN Habitat Report 2004) responds to the strategies of survival deployed by the dispossessed and the region-wide enclosure of the hinterlands. Through the research on inequality undertaken at a global scale by UN-Habitat, we know that the Gini Coefficient –the main index to measure the wealth gap between the richest and the poorest in a society- reaches its global height in Latin America. Unequal social relationships become clearly embodied in the region’s capital, “primate” cities,5with few exceptions like Montevideo, in Uruguay. The physical manifestations of this asymmetry dot the urban landscape with archipelagoes of affluent gated communities (some sort of sprawl of walled enclaves) or the planned high-rises of residential neighborhoods amidst immense mantels of informal sprawl. As cities grow, they push the urban frontier into rural areas, creating a rural-urban mesh described as peri-urban. Affluent enclaves are modeled after the American suburb and create low-density fabrics dependent on private vehicles for transportation. Providing them with services and infrastructure is very costly and tends to absorb a large proportion of municipal budgets. In the other extreme of household income, an urban sea of tightly self-built houses has spread on land often unsuited for urbanization: steep slopes vulnerable to mud-slides; or marshes, mangroves, estuaries, and floodplain areas prone to flooding. Between the extremes of affluent gated communities and informal neighborhoods, lie middle and high-middle class districts. Historic cores are of particular interest because, as it occurred with many downtown areas in US cities, they were abandoned by affluent groups who relocated to the suburbs, and colonized by rural or foreign migrants. In the case of Latin America, a process of “favelization” of the historic districts has marked their development since the 1940s and 1950s: historic structures have been subdivided in order to accommodate much larger populations. [5] Primate cities are not just the largest city in a nation or region, but those which are disproportionately large. Santiago de Chile provides a good example, as 40% of the population of Chile is concentrated in the capital. Bibliography Arango Cardinal, Silvia. Ciudad y arquitectura: Seis generaciones que construyeron la América Latina moderna. Bogotá: Fondo de Cultura económica, 2013. Padoch, Steward, and Pinedo-Vasquez, 2014; Putzel and Ruiz, 2014 Ábalos, Inaki, and Juan Herreros.Áreas impunidad. Distributed Art Pub Inc, 1997.de Ábalos, Inaki, and Juan Herreros. "Una nueva naturalidad (7 micromanifestos)."2G Revista internacional de arquitectura, nº22 dedicado a Ábalos y Herreros, Barcelona, Gustavo Gili(2002): 26-33. Arango, S., 2012.Ciudad y arquitectura: seis generaciones que construyeron la América Latina moderna. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Bergdoll, B., Comas, C.E., Liernur, J.F. and Del Real, P., 1980. Latin America in Construction.Architecture. Brillembourg, C. (2004).Latin American architecture, 1929-1960: contemporary reflections. Monacelli Press. Buell, Lawrence. "Nature and City: Antithesis or Symbiosis?."Real-Yearbook of Research in English and American Literature26 (2010). Busquets Grau, Joan, and Correa, Felipe.Cities x lines: a new lens for the urbanistic project= Ciudades x formas: una nueva mirada hacia el proyecto urbanístico/Ciudades x formas. Harvard University, Graduate School of Design, 2006. Busquets, Joan. "Cities and Grids: In Search of New Paradigms."Architectural Design83.4 (2013): 72-77. Busquets, Joan.Barcelona: la construcción urbanística de una ciudad compacta. Ediciones del Serbal, 2004. Canclini, N.G., 2005.Hybrid cultures: Strategies for entering and leaving modernity. U of Minnesota Press. Cardoso, F.H. and Faletto, E., 1996.Dependencia y desarrollo en América Latina: ensayo de interpretación sociológica. Siglo xxi. Cardoso, F.H. and Faletto, E., 1979.Dependency and development in Latin America (Dependencia y desarrollo en América Latina, engl.). Univ of California Press. Cardoso, F.H. and Bagú, S., 1973. Problemas del subdesarrollo latinoamericano.Nuestro Tiempo, México. Castro, Lorenzo, and Alejandro Echeverri. "Bogota and Medellin: architecture and politics."Architectural Design81.3 (2011): 96-103. Cronon, William. metropolis: Chicago and the Great West. WW Norton & Company, 2009.Nature's Davis, Mike. "Planet of Slums (2006)."London & New York: Verso(2007). MikeDavis, “PlanetofSlums:UrbanInvolutionand theInformalProletariat,” New Left Review 26 (2004). De Andrade, O., 1928. Manifiesto antropófago.Revista de antropofagia,1(1), pp.3-7. De Melo Franco, F., Moreira, M., Braga, M. 2007 «Vazios de água» (São Paulo) en www.usjt.br/arq.urb/numero_01/artigo_07_180908.pdf. de Solà-Morales, Ignasi. "Terrain vague."Terrain vague: interstices at the edge of the pale(1995): 24-30. de Solà-Morales, Manuel.Manuel de Solà-Morales: A Matter of Things. NAi Publishers, 2008. de Solá-Morales, Manuel. "La segunda historia del proyecto urbano: the second history of the urban project."Revista anuario5 (1987): 21-27. de Sola-Morales, Manuel. "Ten lessons on Barcelona."Association of Architects of Catalonia, Barcelona(2008). De Solà-Morales, Manuel. "The strategy of urban acupuncture."Structure Fabric and Topography Conference, Nanjing University. 2004. de Solà-Morales, Manuel. "Territoris sense model."Papers: Regió Metropolitana de Barcelona: Territori, estratègies, planejament26 (1997): 21-27. Solà-Morales Rubió, Manuel de. "Projectar la perifèria."UR: urbanismo revista, núm. 9, 1992(1992). Echeverri, Alejandro, and Francesco M. Orsini. "Informalidad y urbanismo social en Medellín."Sostenible?12 (2011): 11-24. Echeverri, Alejandro. Medellín re-escribe sus barrios. Urbanismo social 2004-2011. Revista PRUMO, PUC-Río, Río de Janeiro 1997. Echeverri, A. and Orsini, F., 2012. Informality and social urbanism in Medellin.Medellin: Environment, Urbanism and Society. Medellin: URBAM-Universidad EAFIT, pp.132-156. Frampton, Kenneth.Megaform as urban landscape. University of Michigan, A. Alfred Taubman College of Architecture+ Urban Planning, 1999. Frampton, Kenneth. "Seven points for the millennium: An untimely manifesto."Architectural Review206.1233 (1999): 76-80. Furtado, C., 1964.Desarrollo y subdesarrollo. Eudeba. Geddes, Patrick.Cities in evolution. Williams and norgate ltd., 1949. Hall, Peter.Cities of tomorrow. Blackwell Publishers, 1988. Harvey, D., 2007. Neoliberalism as creative destruction.The annals of the American academy of political and social science,610(1), pp.21-44. Hecht, S.B., Morrison, K.D. and Padoch, C. eds., 2014.The social lives of forests: past, present, and future of woodland resurgence. University of Chicago Press. Hecht, S.B., Kandel, S., Gomes, I., Cuellar, N. and Rosa, H., 2006. Globalization, forest resurgence, and environmental politics in El Salvador.World Development,34(2), pp.308-323. Herreros, Juan. "De la periferia al centro: la ciudad en tiempos de crisis."La ciudad, de nuevo global. 2009. Herreros, Juan, and Antoni Muntadas. "Desvelar lo público." (2004). Hise, Greg, and William Francis Deverell.Eden by design: The 1930 Olmsted-Bartholomew plan for the Los Angeles region. Univ of California Press, 2000. Guerra, Juan Herreros, and Iñaki Ábalos Vázquez. 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"Ecologizar no solamente es verdear."GARCÍA-GERMÁN, Javier; MARTÍNEZ-PEÑALVER, Covadonga. Con-textos(2008): 17-23. Leatherbarrow, D. (2009). Entre el suelo y el cielo o memoria cultural e invencion en los paisajes latinoamericanos contemporáneos. InNueva arquitectura del paisaje latinoamericana= New latin american landscape architecture(pp. 4-10). Editorial Gustavo Gili. Lee, K.N., Freudenburg, W. and Howarth, R., 2012.Humans in the landscape: an introduction to environmental studies. WW Norton & Company. Lerner, Jaime.Urban acupuncture. Island Press, 2014. Martignoni, J., 2008.Latinscapes.: Landscape as raw material. McHarg, Ian L., and Lewis Mumford.Design with nature. New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1969. Mostafavi, Mohsen, and Gareth Doherty, eds.Ecological urbanism. Baden: Lars Müller Publishers, 2010. NU.CEPAL. Estudio Económico de América Latina y el Caribe 2015: desafíos para impulsar el ciclo de inversión con miras a reactivar el crecimiento. Estudio económico de América Latina y el Caribe. 2015-08. Rossetti, F., 2009.Arquitectura del paisaje en Chile: hacia un quehacer contemporáneo. Ocho Libros. Storper, M., Kemeny, T., Makarem, N. and Osman, T., 2015.The Rise and Fall of Urban Economies: Lessons from San Francisco and Los Angeles. Stanford University Press. Swyngedouw, Erik, Maria Kaika, and Nikolas C. Heynen, eds.In the nature of cities: urban political ecology and the politics of urban metabolism. Routledge, 2006. Traba, Marta. Dos décadas vulnerables en las artes plásticas latinoamericanas (1950-1970). México, 1973. Traba, M. (1994).Arte de América latina, 1900-1980(p. 89). Nueva YorkWashington: Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. UNFPA, U. and UN-HABITAT, I.O.M., 2013. Population dynamics in the post-2015 development agenda: Report of the global thematic consultation on population dynamics.United Nations. URL http://www. worldwewant2015. org/file/313464/download/340868. Vanek, J., Chen, M.A., Carré, F., Heintz, J. and Hussmanns, R., 2014. Statistics on the informal economy: Definitions, and challenges.Working Informal Migrant Entrepreneurship and Inclusive Growth Migration Policy Series, (68).estimates regional Waldheim, Charles. "Landscape urbanism: a genealogy."Praxis4.10 (2002). Wallerstein, I.M., 2004.World-systems analysis: An introduction. Duke University Press. Williams, Raymond.The country and the city. Vol. 423. Oxford University Press, USA, 1975.

[데코저널 칼럼 - 정희정] 옥외광고디자인 - 작은 목소리의 손짓

[데코저널 칼럼 - 정희정] 도시의 얼굴, 간판 간판은 도시의 얼굴이다. 세계 어느 곳을 가더라도 가장 먼저 눈에 띄는 것은 거리의 간판과 사인이다. 비록 그 형태가 상업적이라 하더라도 간판과 광고물은 보는 사람에게 정서적 영향을 준다는 면에서 공공성을 띄고 있다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 면에서 간판을 제작하는 업계나 광고주는 디자인에 대한 사회적 책임감을 가져야 한다. 옆집보다 더 크고 화려하고 튀게 보이려는 간판들은 그 간판과 직접적으로 관련이 없는 사람들까지 시각적으로 피곤함을 느끼게 한다. (국외사례 오스트리아 - 정희정) 이제 간판의 디자인이나 형태에 대해 겉으로 드러난 모습만 가지고 조형적 완성도를 논하는 것은 의미가 없다. 비교를 하자면 선진 도시국가들은 간판과 사인물 등이 건물과 주변 환경과 조화를 이루며 전혀 부담스럽게 느껴지지 않는 것과 같다.사인과 광고물들은 단순히 정보를 전달해줄 뿐만 아니라, 그 형태와 색채의 조화를 통해 그 나라 또는 도시의 문화 수준을 판가름하는 척도가 된다. 그러나 아직도 상당수의 사인물은 조형적 요소를 비롯해 전체적인 디자인 수준이 높지 않아 시민들의 기대에 못 미치고 있다. (국외사례 오스트리아 - 정희정) 우리의 사인물들은 아직도 정보전달의 순기능보다는 오히려 시각적 환경공해라는 역기능을 유발시키고 있는 실정이다. 작은 목소리로 손짓하는 선진 사례의 간판과 사인물들은 도시를 흥미진진하게 만드는 요소가 되기도 한다. (국내사례 - 소격동)

[데코저널 칼럼 - 노태린] 병원 디자인은 왜 다른 공간 디자인과 차별화되어야 하는가?

[데코저널 칼럼 - 노태린] 병원 디자인은 왜 다른 공간 디자인과 차별화되어야 하는가? 최근까지 병원을 여느 상업 공간 못지않게 꾸밀 수 있다는 것을 강조하며 특히 성형외과나 치과는 세련미의 극치를 내세우는 게 중요했다. 클라이언트와 논의할 때도 화려한 수준의 포트폴리오를 제시하면서 평당 단가를 이야기하는 게 전부였다. 보기 좋은 감이 맛도 좋다는 소리만 할 뿐이었다. 인테리어 회사들은 병원 인테리어를 따로 분류하지 않고 여전히 상업 공간의 일부로 여기고 있기도 하다. 세련된 숍의 디자인으로 외형의 모양새를 갖추는 것에 중점을 두면서 말이다. 요즘 들어 나를 두고 부르는 호칭이 있다. 그동안 작업의 90% 가까이를 병원디자인에 몰두하였다. 사정이 이렇다보니 어느덧 ‘병원 전문 디자이너’라고 부른다. 이런 특별한 이력이 만들어진 결정적인 계기가 있다. 지금 보면 제목부터 부담스러운 “종합병원 리모델링”이라는 책을 출간한 뒤부터였다. 이 책에서 내가 하고 싶은 이야기는 어쩌면 단순했다. 병원 리모델링이나 디자인을 하는 이유는 단지 외형적인 스타일을 바꾸려는 게 아니라는 것이다. 그 공간 안에 있는 다양한 사람들과 의견을 나누고 그들이 바라는 공간을 함께 만들어가는 것이라고 강조했다. 그렇게 공간을 변화시키며 일상과 삶도 바뀌어간다는 것을 말하고 싶었던 것이다. (강북 삼성 병원 소화기암센터, 2014) 하루에도 수천 명이 들락거리는 대형 종합병원과 고작 의사 한 명이 환자를 돌보는 의원급의 병원은 많은 차이를 가진다. 그러나 내가 볼 때는 그 차이보다 더 큰 공통점부터 눈에 띈다. 어떤 병원이든 아픈 환자와 의료진이 디자인의 핵심이라는 것이다. 아픈 사람의 입장이 되어보지 않고서는 절대 그들의 마음을 알 수 없다. 병원 디자인은 겉으로 보이는 마감재의 비싼 향연이 아니다. ‘내 집 같은 병원’이라는 말은 누구나 할 수 있다. 하지만 그 말에 담긴 의미를 제대로 이해하는 것은 쉽지 않다. 온종일 지하 공간에 있어야 하는 근무자들이 햇빛 한번 비추지 못하는 곳에서 환자를 웃으며 대할 수 있을까? 아파서 고통스러운 환자에게 휘황찬란하고 값비싼 대리석으로 감싼 벽면에 눈에 들어올까? 공간 디자인은 실제 그 공간을 이용하는 사람들이 중심이 되어야 한다. 그렇지 않으면 그들이 지내야 하는 공간의 의미를 제대로 이해할 수 없다. 그래서 나는 매번 환자와 의료진의 귀와 눈이 되기를 마다하지 않으려 노력한다. 최근 어느 병원의 오픈 행사가 매우 의미심장하게 다가왔다. 당시 행사는 단순한 의전행사가 아니었다. 병원장이 스트레쳐 카(stretcher car, 환자이동용 침대) 위에 누워 병원 입구부터 둘러봤다. 환자의 입장에서 공간의 동선과 구조를 바라본 것이다. 나도 이런 경험이 있다. 병원을 고치면서 일부러 휠체어에 타서 곳곳을 돌아다니며 사인 디자인sign design을 하곤 했다. (서울 삼성병원 분만장 입원실, 2015) 병원이라는 공간에서 일상을 보내는 이들의 마음을 이해하기까지 꽤 시간이 걸렸다. 예컨대, 지하 검사실에 늘 근무하는 스텝들의 심정을 헤아리는 것도 금방 이루어진 게 아니다. 그들은 일과의 대부분을 지하에서 머문다. 햇볕 한 줌 들어오지 않는 그곳에서 하루 종일 있는 심정은 어떨까. 환자를 맞이할 때 과연 긍정적인 마음가짐을 가질 수 있을까? 이런 질문을 떠올리고 답을 구할 때까지 많은 시간과 노력을 들였던 것이다. 과거에는 그다지 중요하게 여기지 않았을지도 모른다. 최근 주목받고 있는 신경건축학의 접근과도 일맥상통한다. 공간 디자인은 인간의 마음을 헤아릴 때 비로소 가치를 발휘한다. 병원이라는 공간은 더욱 사람들의 마음을 헤아릴 수 있어야 한다. 그곳에서 모두가 위로받고 서로를 배려하는 모습으로 살 수 있는 디자인. 공간 디자인의 다름은 이러한 차이에서 오는 것이다. (민트병원, 2018 K-Design Award Winner)

[데코저널 칼럼 - 정희정] 색채디자인 - 도시의 색채위계질서

[데코저널 칼럼 - 정희정] 색채디자인 - 도시의 색채위계질서 유럽의 도시들은 드라마틱한 표정을 연출한다. 건축물에서도 차분한 느낌을 받게 되는데, 이는 먼저 건물의 외관 디자인이 색상이나 형태면에서 시대적 전통과의 통일감으로부터 오는 아름다움 때문이라고 할 수 있다. 그리고 도심에 위치한 상가나 주택단지 별로 건물의 높이가 규제를 받기 때문에 스카이라인이 통일되어 보는 이들로 하여금 시각적으로 편안함을 느끼게 한다. 또한 건물에 설치된 간판이나 건물 앞의 옥외광고물을 살펴보면 도시가 차분한 이유를 발견할 수 있다. 옥외광고물의 규모와 색상, 위치 등에서 대부분 비슷하게 규제를 하고 있어 통일감을 느끼게 한다. 유럽의 경우 도시환경과 광고매체들의 조화를 위하여 순색을 배제하고 후퇴 색을 주조 색으로 사용하는데, 이례적으로 런던의 경우 선정적이며 전진적인 강력한 빨간색을 사용하고 있다. (©런던 IMG-1) RED+BLACK이 대표적인 런던도시의 색이 되면서 랜드마크가 되어버린 빨간색 2층 버스는 화려하지만 한층 감성적인 도시풍경을 건축물을 배경삼아 연출하고 있다. 런던의 도시환경에 설치되어있는 공공 시설물들을 살펴보면 대체로 붉은색과 검정색을 적용한다. 대중교통수단인 택시와 버스가 그러하고 우체통과 공중전화박스, 지하철의 픽토그램, 가로의 휴지통 등 모두가 빨간색을 입고 있으며, 아울러 도시교통시설물과 기반시설물들은 검정색으로 도시의 주연이 아닌 조연으로서의 역할을 하고 있다. 강렬한 빨강과 검정이 이처럼 도시환경에 조화롭게 적용된다는 것은 철저히 계획되고 계산된 도시디자인에서 비롯되었음을 알 수 있으며, 명시성과 가독성이 좋은 강력한 색이 오히려 도시의 질서를 잡고 나아가 도시의 색이 되고 랜드마크가 된 좋은 예라고 할 수 있다. (©런던 IMG-2) 도시는 장르를 초월한 통합디자인의 결정체이다. 그러한 광범위한 도시를 RED+BLACK으로 질서와 드라마틱한 분위기를 연출하는 런던의 사례를 통하여 도시환경에서 색채위계질서 정립의 중요성을 알게 한다. (©런던 IMG-3)

[데코저널 칼럼 - 구만재] 중국 디자인 단상

[데코저널 칼럼 - 구만재] 중국 디자인 단상 프로젝트를 진행하기 위해, 학생들과 교류를 위해, 또는 개인적인 관심과 호기심에 의해 중국을 방문하고그들의 음식과 문화를 이해하려책의 도움을 받는 등 많은 경험을 했지만, 그들의 문화는 사실 부러울 정도로 깊고도 넓다. 자본과 자본의 아우라를 통해서 바라본 그들의 모습은 조금 안쓰럽다거나 졸부에 대한 비아냥으로 치부되기 일쑤였지만, 자연을 곁에 두고 즐기는, 여유로움과 전통의 방식을 자연스럽게 몸에 두르고 경험했던 풍부한 구세대의 존재와 새로움을 취하는 젊은 세대간의 교류와 융합이 일어나고 있는 중국은우리네 보다도 훨씬 흥미로운 장소다.특히, 자국전통문화의 재해석을 통해새로운 모더니즘의 가치를 찾아내고 있는 풍부하고 넉넉한 여건의 몇몇 공간은 마냥 부러움의 대상이 되기도 한다. (©Photo by Yu Kato on Unsplash) 중국 항주 인근에 명나라때 조성되었다는 홍춘이라는 마을을 방문 했을때, 물을 다루고 있는 그들의 생각과 방식은 놀라움의 연속이었다. 마을 앞의 수로는 모든 집을 거치게 설계되었으며, 정해진 시간에 물을 사용하고 정해진 시간에 하수의 개념으로 물을 정리하는 방식, 다리를 건너 마을을 진입하는 방식과 인공 호수에 잔잔한 물결을 유지하기 위해 분순물을 걸러내는 치수의 방식, 외부를 향해 닫혀있지만 중정을 통한 자연과의 소통 방식은 David Chipperfild 가 설계한 인근의 Liangzhu Culture Museum에서 서양인의 시선으로 정제된 홍춘의 공간적 맥락을 잘받아들이고 있으며, 이러한 결과물의 레이어는 Whang Shu라는 중국 건축가의 감각을 통해 새로운 중국적 모더니즘으로 나타나고 있다. (©Hongcun, Wikipidea) 즉, 수많은 자국 문화의 문맥을 보유하고 외국인의 시선을통해 세련된 공간구축의 힘과 방법을 받아들여 벌써 새로운 방식의 공간론을 만들어 내고 있다는 것이다.서양에서 시작된 모더니즘은 본질적 회귀에 대한 강한 작용으로 다분히 냉소적인 면을 띄고있다. 그러나 이러한 시선이 중국 자국의 다양한 감성과 면하면서 새로운 형태의 모더니즘을 만들어 내는 중국 내의 숨가쁜 움직임 덕분에매번 이런 장소를 방문하고그변화를 지켜보는것은 대단히 흥미로운 일이며, 한국의 디자이너에게도 큰 가르침을 주고 있다. (©David Chipperfield Architects - Liangzhu Culture Museum 良渚博物館, Image on Flickr)